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Contributing editor Steven Horwitz is the Charles A. Dana Professor of Economics at St. Lawrence University and the author of Microfoundations and Macroeconomics: An Austrian Perspective, now in paperback. ... See All Posts by This Author

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The Calling | Steven Horwitz

NFL Overtime and Economic Policy

People learn.

People who “think like economists” recognize that we have to trace the unintended consequences of both individual action and the policies of governments. Good intentions are not enough to ensure good outcomes. We have to understand how the action or the change in policy would interact with the knowledge and incentives facing choosers in order to understand the actual outcome.

This is particularly true with respect to economic policy and can be illustrated by the world of competitive sports, which often makes a nice analogy to markets given that both involve competition according to rules.

The current discussion about changing the rules for overtime in the NFL, at least for the playoffs, provides a good example. Right now, the rule for overtime is sudden death: The team that scores first wins. Of course this means the coin flip to determine who gets the ball first is crucial—for many people it’s too decisive: The first possessor wins too often. In addition, other changes to the game since overtime was introduced in 1974 have given the team with first possession an easier path to scoring, especially by a field goal. (For example, the kickoff line is five yards farther back and field-goal kickers are stronger and more accurate).

One proposal would allow the loser of the coin flip to have possession of the ball if the team that has it first only scores a field goal. The intent is to reduce the advantage of first possession by reducing the value of the field goal.

As with economic policies, however, we cannot ignore how this change might affect the teams’ choices and strategies.

Fooled by Inflation?

Consider the history of macroeconomics. Early Keynesians believed that inflation could fool workers into accepting lower real wages (thereby increasing employment) because they would not understand its effects. When Milton Friedman, Robert Lucas, and others later pointed out that people eventually learn, it changed how economists viewed loose monetary policy. If people know inflation will reduce their real wages, they will have an incentive to find out the inflation rate and do their best to incorporate it into their wage demands. As a result, inflationary policies will not have the nearly the effects on the average real wage that the early Keynesians thought.

Observe the analogous reasoning about the proposed NFL rule change. If the first possessor only gets a only field goal, the second team would know it has to score to keep the game alive and therefore would never punt on fourth down. It turns out that statistically the second possessor is more likely to score in such circumstances than on a typical NFL drive. So to that extent, it seems the rule change would have its intended effect.

But we don’t want to assume that the first possessor would do the same thing no matter the rules. After all, it would know that if it only scores a field goal, the other team would be more aggressive on fourth down, which would make it somewhat more likely that it would tie or win the game than under sudden-death rules when the first team doesn’t score. This knowledge may well induce the first team, on the margin, to risk a fourth-down play, passing up a field goal, to try for a game-winning touchdown.  Reducing the marginal value of a field goal to the first possessor would encourage more teams, again on the margin, to try to score a touchdown, and thereby counteract some of the intended consequences of the rule change. The change would be less effective than first thought when we consider how the first possessor might react.

In economic policy this point can matter quite a bit. As Friedman and Lucas put it, people’s expectations are not invariant to the policy regime. People form expectations that counter the intended effects of the policy. The sports version is: Game strategies will change when the rules change. In both cases a thorough analysis of the actual effects of a policy or rule change requires that we assume that people learn and react to the change itself. Just changing policies or rules without assuming people learn is a recipe for ineffectiveness and potentially damaging unintended consequences.

There Are 6 Responses So Far. »

  1. If you’ve every watched a 6 OT college game you’d love the unintended consequence.

  2. In the world of power and politics there is no such thing as unintended consequences. The rules that the ruling elites implement have definite consequences. The ruling elites spend alot of money hiring lobbyists, lawyers, accountants, pr firms etc to get their rules implemented. They know exactly what they are doing – intervening in the market to give them advantages that a free and unfettered market will not give them. They know that markets change and when they sense that taking place they begin to implement changes that will continue to give them advantages. Sometimes in their haste to make money they lose sight of the changes occurring (and the rate at which change is taking place) in the market as they did in the 2007 financial correction. Then they pull out all the stops to re-instate their advantage as they are attempting to do now. They will stop at nothing – looting the taxpayer and the treasury (which they view as belonging to them), debasing the money,etc. They will try to understand the Austrian business cycle better to get a better grasp of when markets are likely to change but they will not adopt the Austrian call for a free and unfettered market and free and unfettered individuals.

  3. Jacob: if the elites are smart as you say and if they can totally control the consequences of their actions such that nothing unintended occurs, why can’t they just go ahead and plan the economy? If you really don’t believe that gov’t actions have unintended consequences, then you’ll have to reject Mises’s whole theory of interventionism and Hayek’s arguments in *The Road to Serfdom* among other places. The entire Austrian theory of the failures of gov’t intervention is a theory of unintended consequences – or as Mises put it: of consequences that frustrate the intentions of the interveners, requiring, in their eyes, even more interventions.

    There can be no Austrian analysis of government intervention without unintended consequences being front and center.

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