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Donald Boudreaux is professor of economics at George Mason University, a former FEE president, and the author of Globalization. He is the winner of the 2009 Thomas Szasz Award for Outstanding Contributions to the Cause of Civil Liberties (general category). ... See All Posts by This Author

April 10 web Statue_of_Themis
Thoughts on Freedom | Donald J. Boudreaux

On the Rule of Law

Everyone agrees that the rule of law is good, both morally and economically. Almost no one—regardless of political ideology—dares to question the great goodness and importance of the rule of law.

I certainly don’t question it.

But what exactly is the rule of law? In answering this question we uncover reasons why persons with vastly different views on the appropriate role of government all sincerely proclaim allegiance to the rule of law.

Here is what is not of the essence of the rule of law. The rule of law does not exist simply because the government that issues commands and enforces the law is legitimately and democratically elected. The rule of law does not exist simply because commands and laws are enforced according to their letter, without bias or exception or corruption. The rule of law does not exist simply because everyone in society, including those with political power, is subject to the government’s commands.

Each of those traits of a decent political and legal system is desirable, but neither separately nor collectively are they the essence of the rule of law.

Rules and Laws

The rule of law exists when, and only to the extent that, the rules enforced by government are in fact law.

My definition might sound like a tautology. After all, don’t rules become laws precisely by being enforced by government?

No. But confusion over the meaning of “rule of law” springs from the widespread but mistaken belief that it is by virtue of being enforced by government that rules become law.

Law in fact emerges from the everyday actions of men and women in their ongoing efforts to thrive and to keep from bumping disruptively into each other. Law becomes embedded in the predominant expectations of persons in a community.

To pick an extreme example, the unprovoked killing of a peaceful person is not unlawful because government has declared the act illegal. Such an action is unlawful because it violates deeply held community norms and expectations. Striking from government’s statute books all proscriptions against murder would not in the least make murder lawful.

In principle, in a classically liberal world, a government formalizes laws against murder, and uses some of its resources to police against murder, because government is the organization in society that has the comparative advantage at performing such policing. For much the same reason that Starbucks specializes in retailing coffee, government specializes in enforcing law. And just as Starbucks responds to prevailing consumer demands—just as Starbucks is not in business to tell consumers what they want and don’t want, but instead is in business to serve consumers according to their specific tastes for coffee and pastries—a genuinely classical-liberal government is not in business to foist its demands and dictates on citizens, but instead to serve citizens by enforcing laws that exist independently of government.

Only by understanding law in this way can we make sense of the familiar stricture that “ignorance of the law is no excuse.” Because true law is always embedded in prevailing community expectations, society is happier and more peaceful the more people act lawfully—that is, the more people act consistently with these expectations. So the rare person who in fact does not know what these expectations are is not permitted to violate the law simply by pleading—or even by proving—that he really didn’t know that, say, it’s unlawful to take another person’s purse without permission.

There’s no sense of injustice in punishing such a purse-snatcher. The laws that are violated in such cases are not in any way arbitrary; they grew organically within the community and are important to its continued peaceful existence. Also, because the expectations that are “law” are in fact so widespread, the probability of any given law-breaker really being ignorant of the law is so slim that it’s not worthwhile to let his alleged ignorance stand as a potential defense against his prosecution.

Contrast this expectations-based understanding of law with the modern myth that laws are only those commands issued by the State. Would most of us be sanguine punishing, in the latter case, a law-breaker who really and truly was ignorant of the State’s dictate? I think not.

While it’s highly unlikely that, say, a purse-snatcher is unaware that purse-snatching is unlawful, it’s not at all unlikely that, say, a property owner is unaware that the legislature or a bureaucracy has declared it a criminal offense to fill in a small water hole in his backyard. Also, the fact that community norms do not proscribe property owners from filling in their water holes is strong evidence that filling in such holes does little or nothing to disrupt the smooth functioning of society.

So while ignorance of the law, as it is embedded in norms and expectations, truly is no excuse for violating the law, ignorance of legislative diktats is—or ought to be—a defense against failure to behave as the legislature commands.

Undeserved Respect

Unfortunately, because legislative and bureaucratic diktats are mistakenly called “laws,” they too often receive a degree of respect and esteem that they do not deserve.

One genuine feature of the rule of law, therefore, that common parlance does get right is that the rule of law is indeed contrasted with the “rule of men”—that is, with the rule of specific persons. The rule of law is the rule of norms that have evolved into widely held expectations. No person, no committee, no Congress or Parliament or even court created these norms—these laws. Like market prices and patterns of production, true laws (to use one of Hayek’s favorite phrases) “are the result of human action but not of human design.”

The rule of law means general deference to those norms and expectations that emerge out of decentralized human action. The opposite—rule by diktat—always means rule by individuals exercising coercive power to override these norms and expectations. The fact that these individuals who exercise this power might be elected in no way transforms the diktats they impose into true law.

Law as it is defined here is never perfect. It can be, and historically has been, infected with any number of imperfections. But it has the great virtue of seldom being a tool of power-seeking, or power-wielding, human beings. The diktats that power-hungry rulers create—and which these rulers call “law” in order to drape their diktats with faux legitimacy—are almost always tools to further the specific ends of the rulers without much regard for the long-run welfare of ordinary men and women.

There Are 20 Responses So Far. »

  1. Excellent summary and analysis. It is important to remember that the rule of law exists, as Hayek stresses, as a “meta-legal” doctrine, outlining what laws SHOULD be.

  2. I’ve always supported Rule of Law.

    But does there have to be SO MANY DAMN LAWS? That’s always been the largest fly in the ointment for me. Those obsessed with micromanaging every aspect of our lives from cradle to grave always hide behind “rule of law” as their excuse – meantime, making themselves exempt.

    There must be as many as 30 million “laws” in this country. Surely we could do away with SOME of them. I think there needs to be a commission dedicated to the repeal of outdated and/or useless civil (and even some criminal) laws, and perhaps even a constitutional amendment providing that all civil legislation passed by Congress have an automatic expiration date no greater than 10 years hence. When the date comes, that sitting Congress either reauthorizes it or lets it pass into extinction.

    It would at least be a good start.

  3. [...] Here’s my latest column in The Freeman.  In it, I discuss the meaning of the rule of law: In principle, in a classically liberal world, a government formalizes laws against murder, and uses some of its resources to police against murder, because government is the organization in society that has the comparative advantage at performing such policing. For much the same reason that Starbucks specializes in retailing coffee, government specializes in enforcing law. And just as Starbucks responds to prevailing consumer demands—just as Starbucks is not in business to tell consumers what they want and don’t want, but instead is in business to serve consumers according to their specific tastes for coffee and pastries—a genuinely classical-liberal government is not in business to foist its demands and dictates on citizens, but instead to serve citizens by enforcing laws that exist independently of government. [...]

  4. I partly disagree with the article:

    A law cannot be assumed to be just simply because it is in keeping with the expectations of society.

    If so, then laws supporting segregation or even slavery would, at least in the South, have fallen into the category of the Rule of Law as you define in.

    No, laws must meet some higher standard than the changing whims of people. In a sense, your argument is like those who argue that the Constitution is a “living document”. They’re wrong, of course. If the fundamental justness of a law is based on societal opinion, then laws are meaningless.

  5. If the “unprovoked killing of a peaceful person” is only “unlawful because it violates deeply held community norms and expectations,” then would it be lawful to perform such killings in a community that found them acceptable?

    There have been many communities throughout history wherein killing a peaceful person was perfectly acceptable, and as the latest “Milgram” experiment has shown, 81% of French reality show contestants don’t have “deeply held norms” that prevent them from killing a peaceful person: http://news.yahoo.com/s/time/20100318/wl_time/08599197298100

    The point is this: Apart from a supreme Lawmaker, no objective basis exists for any law except the law of the jungle, which is that “the strong survive and the weak be banned.” The Founders recognized this and sought to slay such tyranny when they wrote that all men “are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness.”

  6. Response to Ross Kaminsky.

    Actually, your examples of segregation and slavery support Don’s article. Society permitted these practices because most people agreed. It was a change of attitude that brought these practices to an end. You can’t look at the past with the eyes of a 21st century human. Also, US child labor laws are another great example. Child labor had ceased to be a widespread practice BEFORE government outlawed it.

    That said, these changes in attitude are hardly whims, but evolutions in thought. They are certainly no invitation to read the Constitution as one sees fit. The Constitution means what it says and we can amend it if we want it to say something different. It is supposed to be an “enduring document” to ensure that changes in law are indeed an evolution instead of a whim.

  7. [...] Here’s my latest column in The Freeman. In it, I discuss the meaning of the rule of law: For much the same reason that Starbucks specializes in retailing coffee, government specializes in enforcing law. And just as Starbucks responds to prevailing consumer demands—just as Starbucks is not in business to tell consumers what they want and don’t want, but instead is in business to serve consumers according to their specific tastes for coffee and pastries—a genuinely classical-liberal government is not in business to foist its demands and dictates on citizens, but instead to serve citizens by enforcing laws that exist independently of government. [...]

  8. I suggest reading “Simple Rules for a Complex World” by Richard A. Epstein, for an excellent exposition of how simple common law principles (similar to the evolved law Boudreaux describes) are superior logically and pragmatically to the complex administrative and regulatory apparatus that comprises “the law” today. The book was written in 1995, but still is fresh and compelling despite the fact that the situation has gotten far worse in the last 15 years.

  9. The “Starbucks” analogy is a good one: they sell overpriced coffee and have lousy service, and the only saving grace is that I don’t have to purchase from them. A government as you describe, even a classical liberal one would not work, since a government is always and everywhere an attempt to create a monopoly. Such a government would be in many ways like a Starbucks: overpriced with lousy service. The critical difference between the two is that I would still be forced to purchase from the government.

  10. [...] Don Boudreaux has written a great new column in The Freeman where he discusses the meaning of the rule of law: For much the same reason that Starbucks specializes in retailing coffee, government specializes in enforcing law. And just as Starbucks responds to prevailing consumer demands—just as Starbucks is not in business to tell consumers what they want and don’t want, but instead is in business to serve consumers according to their specific tastes for coffee and pastries—a genuinely classical-liberal government is not in business to foist its demands and dictates on citizens, but instead to serve citizens by enforcing laws that exist independently of government. [...]

  11. Excellent article. Perfect example of the semantic usurpation that infects virtually all fields of reasoned dialogue. How to combat it? I don’t know, but spreading this article around is a great start.

  12. [...] via On the Rule of Law | The Freeman | Ideas On Liberty. [...]

  13. [...] look at what is really meant by the "Rule of Law" http://www.thefreemanonline.org/columns/thoughts-on-freedom/on-the-rule-of-law/ ….and Obama is trying to free himself by using a "Living Constitution" [...]

  14. The article is quite correct to suggest that the rule of law is not synonymous with government. However, I was surprised not to see any mention of property right (and contract) in the article. To my mind, defence of property right can be the only logical reason for a law – or indeed any government action. This is surely the underpinning of all libertarian belief on law? This answers the problem of ‘attitudes’ – thus slavery is a denial of a person’s right to exercise their property rights over their own body (i.e. their liberty as we term it), as is murder or criminal injury. Theft is also a violation of property rights. Breach of voluntary contract is the other area where law can and should operate.
    In terms of making laws based upon ‘norms’ – there will always be many ‘norms’ in any society of significant scope. Therefore to avoid imposing one set of norms on another group we should select only that set of norms on which all human beings, bar the obviously sociopathic, can agree. That set of norms, surely, can only be the defence of property (the person and personal property) against involuntary confiscation, and defence of legitimate contract. This also points to the principle of subsidiarity – laws should be made at the lowest possible level so that they more accurately reflect the norms of those who make them, especially if they are not based upon property rights (in which case we need to question their necessity in the first place).
    Common law is a far better system of developing law than that based on statute because it evolves from experience and jurisprudence rather than the whims of politicians, so we should priviledge Common Law more over statute than is currently the case.

  15. Probably the most significant example of this distinction is the so-called “laws of drug prohibition”. It seems obvious that a majority of our society do not see drug use in itself as leading to the kind of socially disruptive behaviour from which would spring a community expectation that it was morally wrong and hence against “the law” (community expectations). The violence that necessarily must be used to enforce this “rule” and the violence used to supply drugs as well as the resulting loss of liberty associated with these “rules” is more disruptive than the behaviour they seek to suppress.

  16. I cautiously agree with what Mr. Boudreaux offers and would agree with British Whigs points as well.

    One of my favorite quotes about the limits of liberties comes from Oliver W. Holmes Jr. who said, “The right to swing my fist ends where the other man’s nose begins.” I think this is an excellent litmus test for the necessity of a law. It is the purpose of government to set up rules that indicate where my metaphorical fist ends, the other man’s nose begins, and what happens should the two intersect either accidentally or intentionally. Anything beyond that is suspect of being tyrannical.

    What I find confusing is that Mr. Boudreaux advocates the concept that law comes from a mandate of the People rather than from arbitrary or contradictory governmental fiat while writing articles that advocate dismantling or ignoring certain laws he finds inconvenient such as the one below:

    http://www.thefreemanonline.org/columns/the-benefits-of-immigration/#comment-16347

    As British Whig points out sovereignty over your own property regardless of if it is your body, land, or some other personal item is a seminal right on which all other liberties are based. This is an important part of Libertarianism as well as Objectivist canon.

    I find it strangely inconsistent to offer that personal sovereignty should be inviolate while at the same time offering that national sovereignty is an arbitrary infringement of civil rights when national sovereignty is an extension of personal sovereignty ceded to the government so it can make law. What Mr. Boudreaux, Ms. Akers, Ayn Rand, and those of a similar mind fail to recognize is that a foreign national has no more right to ignore national sovereignty by entering this country in an effort to find employment in violation of our laws than the same person has to ignore your personal sovereignty in an effort to take a nap by entering your home in violation of our laws.

    If an Objectivist would like to explain why their logic is not contradictory I’d appreciate it.

  17. I have a simple definition of the rule of law. If I myself would recoil or reject the treatment against me, and I can safely assume all would feel the same, then it is unlawful. I call this the “punch test”. If it makes me punch you, it is probably unlawful.

    Watch a couple of kids at play. If one tries to steal from the other, he gets punched. If he lies, not so much. If he hits, he gets punched. If he simply doesn’t want to play, not so much.

    If an act will cause me to take defensive action in a state of nature, it is unlawful. If you try to take the food I have collected, harm my children or myself, invade my home, I will react in a state of nature. This is costly. So it is unlawful.

    I agree that property rights are key. But property rights grow from this natural tendency. Slavery is unlawful since no one would choose to be a slave and all would recoil from it. You may find owning someone to your liking, but being owned is never acceptable. That is why slavery was always unlawful even when the state endorsed it. In fact, if the state did not artificially create a property right in another person, slavery would never have worked. People would have just walked away.

    On a sidebar: I find it fascinating when people say we needed government to end slavery when it was government that created it. Same with Jim Crow laws. The government is the only institution that gets credit when it stops doing harmful things. It would be as if Starbucks said that they deserve our business because at least they stopped poisoning the coffee!

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